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| Political Will-Wavering in Chisinau 29/12/2010 |
| (2010-12-29) |
| Last updated: 2010-12-30 16:04 EET |
At the opening session of the new legislative on Tuesday, the Chamber of Deputies members failed to agree on appointing their own speaker. Under the Constitution, the speaker also acts as interim president of state. Consequently, the acting Liberal-Democrat PM Vlad Filat has temporarily assumed the office, replacing Liberal Mihai Ghimpu, former Parliament speaker. Following the recent resignation of his Cabinet, outgoing PM Vlad Filat rushed into pointing out that he would not sign any orders. Consequently, the power vacuum in Chisinau is not only extended, but also further deepened.
Post-election figures thus continue to hold political ambitions at bay. The pro-Russian communists secured 42 of a total of 101 Parliament seats, whereas Vlad Fillat’s three-party pro-European alliance was given the rest, 32 seats for the Liberal-Democrats, 15 for the Democrats and 12 for the Liberals respectively. Besides ideological and personal inconsistencies, these figures make even more difficult the formation of a parliamentary majority.
Any dialogue between the Liberal-Democrats and the Liberals on the one hand and the Communists on the other is quite unlikely. Set up by former communists who are now professed Democrats, the Democratic Party can now tip the balance towards the left or the right wing. Democrats have recurrently admitted they were open to dialogue to agree on a governing formula with any of the two sides.
The 15-seat Democratic Party might give both a center-left coalition and a center-right one, a parliamentary majority that would enable the coalition to elect a PM as well as a President. Without the Democratic Party’s seats, neither one nor the other could however muster the 61-seat majority required to elect a new head of state.
The situation is all the more frustrating as it is not entirely new. Parliamentary elections were held for the third time in less than two years, with the hope of setting up a new parliamentary structure that would eventually appoint a new President of the Republic. Should the current Parliament fail to do so, the never-ending and costly electoral ritual will have to be reenacted.
This is further evidence in support of the fact that a deficient and unsuitable Constitution is highly inapplicable. On the other hand, the electorate in Moldova is deeply divided between pro-European ambitions and the Soviet nostalgia, and as such is incapable of making an uncompromising decision.
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